Forgotten Saints: Mormon Pioneers
in Early California
7 December 2011
Kari Lynne Roueche
Precisely
two years prior to a rag tag group of Americans staging
the Bear Flag Revolt in Mexican California, the leader
of an American Christian sect was assassinated by a
mob in Carthage, Illinois on June 26, 1844.1 Joseph
Smith was the president of The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints. The Saints had established themselves
along the banks of the Mississippi River in a town they
called Nauvoo. For a time after his death, the church
members were left alone, but soon violent threats resurfaced.
Responding to complaints, the Illinois state legislature
repealed Nauvoo’s town charter in January of 1845, leaving
the Mormons unable to legally protect themselves.2 Church
leaders formed a plan to move the Illinois members of
the church, as well as those still in New England, to
the Mexican territories. Some would go by ship and the
majority by foot. A portion of those destined to walk
across the plains and over the Rocky Mountains would,
instead, march to Upper California as a military unit.
These sailing and marching pioneers would find themselves
participants in the development of early California
in critical, but often forgotten, ways.
The
presiding council of the church assigned Orson Pratt
to hold a conference in New York to organize the converts
along the Eastern seaboard. His conference address clearly
showed that Pratt was ready to leave the United States.
“It is with the greatest of joy that I forsake this
republic;” he exclaimed, “and all the saints have abundant
reasons to rejoice that they are counted worthy to be
cast out as exiles from this wicked nation; for we have
received nothing but one continual scene of the most
horrid and unrelenting persecutions at their hands for
the last sixteen years.”3 Pratt called upon Samuel
Brannan to lease a ship and lead the Saints to San Francisco
Bay via Cape Horn, the southernmost tip of South America.
Along with food and clothing for the trip, travelers
were instructed to bring “farming utensils, mechanical
instruments, and all kinds of seeds, seeds of various
kinds of fruits.”4 It took Brannan weeks to find
a captain of a vessel that was willing to take on women
and children and to forfeit a potentially lucrative
military contract if war with Mexico broke out.5 Abel
W. Richardson of the Ship Brooklyn, however, struck
a hard bargain which enabled Brannan to finally set
a departure date of February 4, 1846.6
Meanwhile,
in Illinois, the rate of evacuation planning increased
to match the level of antagonism toward the church.
In the fall of 1845, the President of the Council of
the Twelve, Brigham Young, announced that the Latter-day
Saints would be leaving in the spring of 1846. He hoped
that this announcement would provide the Saints with
some peace in order to prepare for the trip. Years later,
Parley P. Pratt recalled that this announcement stemmed
from a visit to Young and other church leaders by officers
of the state militia and a local judge who “advised
and urged us strongly to yield to the mob, and abandon
our houses, farms, cities, villages and temple to this
wholesale banditti, who were engaged against us, and
sell them for what we could get, and remove out of the
country. But very little of the real estate was ever
sold.”7 Throughout the month of February, 1846,
thousands of church members, soon to be refugees, began
crossing the Mississippi River in flat boats and skiffs;
but on the twenty-fifth, when the river froze at Montrose,
Iowa, a mass exodus of those who had not yet been able
to afford the crossing walked on foot and joined the
large camp at Sugar Creek. By March 1, the push to Council
Bluffs, Iowa on the banks of the Missouri began.8
While
the Saints were still scattered across the plains, not
yet having the chance to establish a winter camp, Capt.
James Allen, representing Col. Stephen W. Kearney, arrived
to recruit a battalion of 500 Mormon men for the war
with Mexico in California.9 While they would march
under U.S. military command, the volunteers were allowed
to elect their own officers. They selected Jefferson
Hunt as their senior captain, and on July 20, the Mormon
Battalion set off.10
In
New York, detailed preparations were underway for the
voyage to California. Captain Richardson was willing
to drop his fee from $1,500 a month to $1,200 if the
passengers aboard the Ship Brooklyn would forego certain
comforts to make room for cargo that could make the
crew a profit in the Sandwich Islands. Sam Brannan brought
his printing assistant, Edward Kemble, and a press,
ink, type, and paper. Exceptionally prepared, the Saints
also brought livestock, ploughs, seed, tools, milling
equipment and a 100 volume library.11 Also unique
about Richardson’s 238 passengers was their self-sufficiency:
among them there were millers, carpenters, teachers,
farmers, tailors, weavers, printers, blacksmiths, coopers,
wheelwrights, midwives, and even a physician.12 This
type of preparation would become a hallmark of the Mormons’
settlement of the West.
The
merchant ship had to be remodeled for a passenger voyage.
Vents and skylights were added to the tween-decks and
a long table with benches the length of the ship was
built for dining, studying, and meetings. The benches
also served as the only form of passenger seating. Bunks
were installed along the sides of thirty-two small staterooms
and the galley on deck was improved for the passengers’
use since a grown adult could not stand upright, below.
Less than a week into their voyage, women and children
were lashed to those same bunks while the ship was tossed
about by a storm lasting more than three days. The two
milk cows did not survive.
More
than one hundred children were aboard and about sixty-five
women. Although sadness accompanied the Saints on their
journey, there was also joy. Two of the women gave birth
during the voyage; John Atlantic Burr was born to Nathan
and Chloe Clark Burr prior to rounding Cape Horn. Georgeanna
Pacific Robbins was born to the physician’s wife
Phoebe just a week before anchoring in Honolulu.13 Two
of the Robbins’ older children died on the 24,000 mile
trip, along with six other children and four adult passengers.
Captain
Richardson had planned to resupply during their first
scheduled rest in Valparaiso, Chile, but the Ship Brooklyn
was once again besieged by storm. Relinquishing his
goal, the captain headed 360 miles west to Juan Fernandez
Island. For five days the Brooklyn Saints enjoyed fresh
water, fruit, fish, and vegetables. The abandoned island
settlement had only eight remaining inhabitants, which
meant there was plentiful food for the ship’s stores
and no taxes or harbor fees to pay. On May 9, the Brooklyn
set sail for the Sandwich Islands, which would be their
second and last stop before San Francisco. In Oahu,
Commodore Robert Stockton of the USS Congress boarded
the Brooklyn and informed the Saints of the military
exchanges that had already taken place in California.14
Finally, on July 31, 1946, the Brooklyn sailed
into San Francisco harbor. The immigrants’ first view
of freedom included the presence of Commander John Montgomery’s
man-of-war, the Portsmouth. Montgomery had stood by
during the Bear Flag Rebellion, but later acted upon
orders to claim Yerba Buena for the United States.15
Once
on land, the Brooklyn Saints immediately set to work
unloading, finding shelter, thrashing wheat, and harvesting
timber to pay off a $1,000 balance owed to Richardson.
Bored from three weeks with little to do, the Portsmouth
crew was happy to assist in transporting
the Brooklyn cargo to shore. One sailor commented, “‘the
most heterogeneous mass of materials ever crowded together;
. . . it contained a representative of every mortal
thing the mind of man had ever conceived.’”16 Passenger
William Glover recorded some of the industry that took
place, noting, “‘They took contracts to make [a]dobies,
dig wells, build houses and haul wood.’”17 The village
established in Yerba Buena flourished. Brannan was regularly
printing The California Star by January of 1947, which
was used to alert the public to the dire situation of
the Reed-Donner Party. The Saints erected a school house
and hotel and formed a Labor and Trade Association.18 The communal farming town of New Hope, established
near the confluence of the Stanislaus and San Joaquin
rivers, failed due to repeated flooding and vicious
mosquitoes. However, passengers like John Horner and
his wife, who settled independently in the regions between
Mission Delores and Mission San Jose, and between the
Bay eastward to Sacramento, had tremendous agricultural
success. Moreover, some became quite wealthy after the
discovery of gold.
Marching
for nearly two and a half months began to take its toll
on some of the Mormon Battalion men. Near Santa Fe,
in early October, army colonels who were leading the
battalion under Kearney’s authority suggested that those
who were sick, along with the women and children, should
be sent by escort to winter over in Pueblo and to await
the approaching body of the church. Eighty-six men left
the Battalion.19 Several days past Santa Fe, another
fifty-five men were sent back to Pueblo, as well. With
these departures, the Battalion, now, was comprised
of just over 350 volunteers. After crossing the desert
on half-rations and disintegrating clothing and upon
finally catching their first glimpse of California green,
Henry Boyle declared, “‘What to us could be more lovely
or more cheering at the present time.”’20 After
some confusion over the progress of the war and military
strategy, which added miles to their journey, they stumbled
to San Diego via the El Camino Real. Overlooking the
Pacific Ocean from a bluff, Daniel Tyler recalled, “‘The
joy, the cheer that filled our souls, none but worn-out
pilgrims nearing a haven of rest can imagine.”’21 They
had completed a march of more than 2,000 miles, blazed
a trail that would be used by thousands in the ensuing
years and, for their families on the Missouri, hopefully
raised money and secured for them safe passage to the
West.
Prior
to their release date on July 16, 1847, twelve men had
been selected by General Kearney to serve as a military
escort for his trip east and had left Los Angeles in
mid-May.22 General Mason had such a high opinion
of the outfit’s subordination, patience, conduct, example,
and respect for the Californians that he made a concerted
effort to recruit the men for re-enlistment.23 Eighty-one
did re-enlist, but the majority either desired to supply
themselves and journey east to where the Latter-day
Saints presumably would be gathering or to await their
hoped for arrival in California. Most of those who did
not re-enlist journeyed to the northern part of the
state looking for work.
After
his initial foray into business near Sacramento was less
than successful, entrepreneur John Sutter was looking
to hire. He engaged in a partnership with foreman James
Marshall, who described the humble beginnings of the
venture that would make history, although the humility
was more than likely all Sutter’s.
“You
may be sure Mr. Sutter was pleased when I reported my
success [in locating a mill site]. We entered into partnership;
I was to build the mill, and he was to find provisions,
teams, tools, and to pay a portion of men’s wages. I
believe I was at that time the only millwright in the
whole country.”24
For his new lumber and flour mills, Sutter would
need good, skilled labor willing to work for meager
wages, as he did not have all the capital up front.
“I sent up to this place . . . a number of laborers
from the disbanded Mormon Battalion.”25 In August
of 1847, a small committee of veterans representing
approximately 150 members of the discharged Battalion
met with Sutter and negotiated the terms of their employment.
They would accept, as partial payment, horses, cattle,
and general outfitting supplies for their trip east
the following summer.26 The saw mill would be built
in Coloma along the south fork of the American River
and the grist mill down river, closer to Sacramento,
in Brighton.
On
January 24, 1848, James Marshall found gold in the tail
race of the saw mill. He traveled to the fort to show
the nugget to Sutter, who tested the metal with aqua
fortis. When Sutter returned to Coloma with Marshall,
some of the laborers asked permission to do a little
panning for themselves. Henry Bigler’s journal records
finding gold throughout February and sending word to
the flour mill workers about the discovery. After visiting
in Coloma and seeing for themselves, Battalion veterans
Willis, Hudson, and Fifield followed the river back
to their worksite and found gold along the way.27 James
Brown recollected that this second gold discovery location
was about halfway between the two mills, about twelve
miles from each. It became known as Mormon Island.28
When
the three Battalion workers stopped at Sutter’s Fort
for supplies, the manager sent word to Samuel Brannan,
who made a trip to the area and reported on his findings
by sending copies of a special edition of the Star back
East and by running through the streets of Yerba Buena
supposedly shouting: “Gold! Gold! Gold from the American
River!”29 General William T. Sherman remembered
the build-up of a 300-person community at Mormon Island
when he saw it in July of 1848. “In the midst of a broken
country, all parched and dried by the hot sun of July,
sparsely wooded with live-oaks and straggling pines,
lay the valley of the American River, with its bold
mountain-stream coming out of the Snowy Mountains to
the east. In this valley is a flat, or gravel-bed, which
in high water is an island.”30 Between 1849 and
1855, the gravel bar island welcomed an additional 2,200
miners and business people (nearly depleting Yerba Buena
of its population), two stage coach lines, a tent school,
post office, several hotels, too many saloons, and other
businesses. Railroad service to neighboring Granite
City and the eventual establishment of Folsom township
in 1856 initiated a steady decline for Mormon Island.31
Brigham
Young had received word about the discovery of gold
and had been visited in the Salt Lake Valley by some
of the miners. In September of 1849, Young wrote in
his journal that fourteen or fifteen “brethren arrived
from the gold country, some of whom were very comfortably
supplied with precious metal, and others, who had been
sick, came back as destitute as they had been when they
went on the ship Brooklyn in 1846.” While Young acknowledged
that there was plenty of gold in California, he believed
that the Sacramento valley was “an unhealthy place,”
and that the brethren could be “better employed in raising
grain and building houses,” near the Great Salt Lake
“than in digging gold in Sacramento, unless they are
counseled to do so.32
Eventually, Young did approve of the calling up of
a modest number of men to be sent on gold mining missions,
probably to bring gold back to the basin for the backing
of a bank.33 Young’s theory on who should go was
interesting. “Prosperity and riches blunt the feelings
of a man. If our people were united, I would send out
some of our men to get gold who would care no more for
it than the dust under their feet, and then we would
gather millions into the church. Some men don’t want
to go after gold, but they are the very ones to go.”
34
Many
of those who went did so with trepidation. One group,
comprised of twenty men and including the experienced
Bigler, left for California in October of 1849. The
second group of thirty-one started out in November of
the same year. Bigler wrote, “It fills me with sorrow
to think of leaving for I am attached to this place
and this people . . . it was with considerable struggle
with my feelings that I consented to go.”35 The
men mined in small groups and did their best, but by
then inflation ate away at their profits. Some returned
to Salt Lake with very little. The majority of the mining
missionaries learned it was wiser to proselytize in
Hawaii than winter over in the California gold fields.36
Thus, the expeditions served two purposes.
The
Mormon Battalion members and the Ship Brooklyn passengers
accomplished more than gold mining and remarkable journeys.
When Sutter’s Battalion work crew completed their work,
they began to settle accounts with the mill owner. It
took a couple of months, beginning in May of 1848, to
complete this process. Meanwhile, a party of nine or
ten of the men traveled for several days into the mountains
to find a route that would take them over the Sierra
Nevada range. In preparation for the journey, the Battalion
Saints used the remaining weeks to mine, complete construction
of a ditch at the grist mill, make bows and yokes for
the oxen, and negotiate further purchases of animals
and supplies. Several dozen men and one woman left in
teams between June 20 and July 2. This group would later
identify themselves as the Thompson-Holmes expedition.37
Following the drainage of the American River and
its tributaries, the expedition took with them seventeen
wagons; some cannon, guns, and ammunition; hand tools
such as picks, hammers, saws, shovels, and axes; 150
mules and horses; and a similar number of cattle.38
Their
general mode of travel was to send a large team of men
ahead to blaze a path, while the remaining party would
bring up the wagons and animals in the rear. Around
the twenty-fifth of June, camp leader Daniel Browett
went ahead with Ezra Allen and Henderson Cox on a scouting
party; ignoring the caution from the larger group about
traveling in the mountains with so few companions.39 By
July 17, the main party had given up waiting for the
return of Browett’s group and moved on, cautiously.
The next day they passed Indians that appeared to be
dressed in familiar clothing. From that night forward,
the trailblazers camped with a guard and, the next day,
searched for their companions in earnest. On July 19,
they uncovered a fresh grave with the bodies of the
three missing men. Bigler recorded that the men were
buried together, naked. Allen had been shot and struck
with an ax, the area was strewn with bloody arrowheads,
and a leather bag of gold flakes was lying nearby. The
diary of Sam Rogers confirms the account and adds that
the party named this place Tragedy Spring.40
By
August 3, when the original expedition members were
still finishing their road, other teams leaving the
gold fields and heading for Salt Lake were already making
use of the trail. A desert crossing to Salt Lake still
awaited the expedition, but because these Mormon trail
pioneers had the advantage of moving east along the
ridges, they were able to avoid the precipitous dead
ends that plagued previous west-bound explorers. With
nothing but hand tools, the expedition cleared 170 miles
of road in forty days.41
Those
Mormon Battalion members who had been stationed in San
Diego had become familiar with the rancho owners in
the San Bernardino Valley while guarding the Cajon Pass.
Once discharged, some Battalion veterans took jobs building
a grist mill for rancho owner Isaac Williams. In 1851,
Captain Hunt negotiated the purchase of Williams’ Chino
rancho and was joined there by twenty immigrant families
from Utah and another fifteen former Battalion members.
Later, Hunt traveled to San Francisco to raise cash
for the purchase of the Lugo Family Rancho at a price
that would keep the new colonists in debt for years.
Despite threats of Indian attack, pressing demands of
the Utah War, and debt, the San Bernardino colony thrived
and began to attract settlers from all over the west.
By 1853, only two years from the outset, San Bernardino
County was created.42
Much
of the evidence of the contribution of the sailing Brooklyn
Saints and marching members of the Mormon Battalion
to the development of early California has been replaced,
washed away, or forgotten. The village of Yerba Buena
is now San Francisco’s China Town. The town of Brooklyn,
California, established in 1856, has been consolidated
by the City of Oakland.43 However, a series of historical
markers commemorates the Saints’ landing spot, communities,
river exploration, and trails. One commemoration, however,
is more than merely a marker. Melissa Burton Coray was
the laundress for the Mormon Battalion and the lone
woman accompanying her husband and the Thompson-Holmes
road building expedition. An oral history interview
she gave in 1901 adds details to the terrible night
at Tragedy Spring when the camp discovered the bodies
of their murdered companions. “We were afraid of an
attack that night, and so the cannon was fired off every
little while to scare off the Indians.”44 A 9,763-foot
summit in the Sierra Nevada Range was named after Coray
in October of 1993. Melissa Coray Peak honors her pioneer
spirit and that of her many thousands of sisters who
braved the unknown challenges of the West.
One
of the more amusing anecdotes described in Azariah Smith’s
Battalion diary is the account of the men’s dislike
of the cooking of Mrs. Wimmer, who, along with her husband
Peter, was employed by Sutter to provide for the work
crew. “We got liberty (of Marshall), and built a small
house down by the mill, and last Sunday we moved into
it in order to get rid of the brawling, partial, mistress
and cook for ourselves.”45 However, the diary’s
more lasting contribution, along with that of Henry
Bigler’s journal, is the detail it adds to the gold
discovery story, which is such a pivotal part of the
California historical narrative. Kenneth Owens devotes
numerous notes and pages to the discussion of the exact
discovery date in Gold Rush Saints.46 Because of
Marshall’s conflicting accounts and the limited number
of actual witnesses, these two diaries are pivotal for
historians. In an internet broadcast on The Mormon Channel,
church archivist Michael Landon explains about historian
Henry Hittel’s effort to set the story straight as he
prepared his History of California in the late 1800s.
Hittel began writing the surviving members of the Mormon
Battalion and asking them for their stories. Henry Bigler,
rather than write down his remembrances, ripped the
corresponding pages from his journal and mailed them
to Hittel, successfully putting an end to the debate.47
Gold would have been discovered and California
would have earned her statehood, whether the Battalion
men had been there, or not; but the story is part of
the permanent record because they were.
Of
the 238 Brooklyn passengers, 106 remained in California,
becoming long-term residents of the state.48 By
1880, mining efforts on Mormon Island had been abandoned.
With the construction of Folsom Dam in 1955, it is now
buried under thousands of gallons of water. A marker
has been positioned nearby to identify the cemetery
that was moved to safety. Every ten or twenty years,
when a drought lowers water levels, the remnants of
chimneys, foundations, and mining equipment surface
as a reminder that, for a few years, sailing Saints
and marching men stopped long enough in the search for
religious freedom to make their mark upon the land of
California.49
End Notes
1B.H Roberts, ed.,
History of the Church, vol. 6 (Salt Lake City,
UT: Deseret Book Co., 1980), 618-21.
2Lorin K. Hansen and Lila J. Bringhurst,
Let this be Zion: Mormon Pioneers and Modern Saints
in Southern Alameda California (Salt Lake City,
UT: Publishers Press, 1996), 9.
3B.H Roberts, ed., History of the Church,
vol. 7 (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1980), 515.
4Roberts, History, vol. 7, 516.
5Annaleone D. Patton, California Mormons
by Sail and Trail (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book,
1961), 4.
6Hansen and Bringhurst, Let this be
Zion, 15-16.
7Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography of
Parley P. Pratt (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book,
1980), 339-40.
8Roberts, History vol. 7, 598 and
Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be Zion, 31.
9Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be Zion,
33-35; and Eugene E. Campbell, “Authority Conflicts
in the Mormon Battalion,” BYU Studies 8, no.
2 (Winter 1968): 127.
10Campbell, “Authority Conflicts,” 128-30.
11Scott Tiffany, Forgotten Voyage: The
Mormon Sea Trek that Sparked the Gold Rush, Time
Frame Films, DVD, 2003.
12Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be
Zion, 15.
13Ship Brooklyn Association. “Passenger
List.” http://shipbrooklyn.com/ (accessed November 30,
2011).
14Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be
Zion, 21-3. William Brown Ide, an 1845 immigrant
to California who had previously joined the Latter-day
Saint Church in Ohio, was a leader in the rebellion
against the Mexican territorial government in California.
Kenneth N. Owens, Gold Rush Saints: California Mormons
and the Great Rush for Riches, Vol. 7, Kingdom
in the West series, edited by Will Bagley (Spokane,
WA: Arthur H. Clark Co. 2004): note 2, pg. 45.
Also, see “Bear Flag Revolt” at http://californiapioneer.org/.
15Theodore Henry Hittell, History of California,
vol. 2. San Francisco, CA: Pacific Press Publishing
House, 1885, 476.
16Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be
Zion, 27.
17Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 37.
18Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 41; Hansen
and Bringhurst, Let This be Zion, 53; and Patton,
California Mormons, 68.
19Campbell, “Authority Conflicts,” 134.
20Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be
Zion, 45.
21Ibid., 46.
22Campbell, “Authority Conflicts,” 141-2.
23Hittel, History, 662.
24Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 99.
25John A. Sutter, “The Discovery of Gold
in California,” Hutchings’ California Magazine
(November 1857) http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist2/gold.html
(accessed November 30, 2011).
26Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 97-8.
27/Ibid., 117-8.
28Ibid., 119.
29Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 120,
and Hansen and Bringhurst, Let This be Zion, 53.
30William T. Sherman, “William Tecumseh
Sherman and the Discovery of Gold,” Originally published
as Memoirs of W. T. Sherman, Ch.2. Heritage Preservation
League of Folsom, http://www.folsompreservation.org/William_Tecumseh_Sherman.htm
(accessed December 13, 2011).
31Folsom History Museum. “History-Mining
Towns.” Folsom Historical Society. http://www.folsomhistorymuseum.org/1mining_towns.htm
(accessed November 1, 2011).
32Eugene Edward Campbell, “The Mormon Gold-Mining
Mission of 1849,” BYU Studies 2, no.1 (Winter
1960): 21.
33Ibid. See footnote no. 14 in Campbell’s
article, pg. 24.
34Campbell, “Gold-Mining Mission,” 22.
35Ibid., 24-5.
36Ibid., 29-30.
37Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 162-65
and California Pioneer Heritage Foundation. http://californiapioneer.org/destinations/emigrant-trail
(accessed January 29, 2012). Samuel Thompson was named
the captain over the entire group, which was made up
of smaller groups of ten. Jonathan Holmes was elected
president.
38Historical Marker Database, “Mormon-Carson
Pass Emigrant Trail,” Andrew Ruppenstein, http://www.hmdb.org/marker.asp?marker=10824
(accessed December 14, 2011).
39Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 166-7.
40Ibid., 171-2.
41Owens,Gold Rush Saints, 158,
183; and Historical Marker Database, http://www.hmdb.org/marker.asp?marker=10824
42Patton, California Mormons, 136-142;
and California Pioneer Heritage Foundation, “Southern
California Settlers,” http://californiapioneer.org/
(accessed November 29, 2011).
43Patton, California Mormons, 30-2.
44Owens, Gold Rush Saints, 196-99.
45David L Bigler, ed. The Gold Discovery
Journal of Azariah Smith, Logan, UT: Utah State
University Press, 1996, 108.
46Owens, Gold Rush Saints, chapter 3.
47Legacy, “Mormon Myths,” episode 39, http://mormonchannel.org/legacy/39
(accessed December 7, 2011). See also Owens’ note
no. 3 on pg. 94 of Gold Rush Saints, which explains
how Bigler’s daughter used the rest of his diary as
a scrapbook. See “A Place in History: The Impact of
the Sutter’s Mill Gold Discovery on Henry Bigler,” by
M. Guy Bishop, http://www.mormonhistoricsitesfoundation.org/publications/nj_spring1999/NJ11.1_Bishop.pdf
and the Archives of the Society of California Pioneers
for more discussion and documentation.
48Ship Brooklyn Association, “Passenger
List,” http://shipbrooklyn.com/ (accessed November 30,
2011).
49Don Chaddock, “From the Depths: History
Resurfaces as Lake Level Falls,” Folsom Telegraph
2008 http://folsomtelegraph.com/detail/98324.html (accessed
November 20, 2011). This article was part of a series
that contained an introductory piece and three follow-up
parts.
Bibliography
Bigler, David L., ed. The Gold Discovery
Journal of Azariah Smith. Logan, UT: Utah State
University Press. 1996.
California Pioneer Heritage Foundation. http://californiapioneer.org/
(accessed November 29, 2011).
Campbell, Eugene Edward. “The Mormon Gold Mining
Mission of 1849.” BYU Studies 2, no.1 (Winter
1960): 19-31.
_____________________. “Authority Conflicts in the
Mormon Battalion.” BYU Studies 8, no. 2 (Winter
1968): 127-142.
Folsom History Museum. “History-Mining Towns.” Folsom
Historical Society. http://www.folsomhistorymuseum.org/1mining_towns.htm
(accessed November 1, 2011).
Hansen, Lorin K. and Lila J. Bringhurst. Let this
be Zion: Mormon Pioneers and Modern Saints in Southern
Alameda California. Salt Lake City, UT: Publishers
Press. 1996.
Hittell, Theodore Henry. History of California,
vol. 2. San Francisco, CA: Pacific Press Publishing
House. 1885.
Owens, Kenneth N. Gold Rush Saints: California
Mormons and the Great Rush for Riches, Vol. 7. Kingdom
in the West series, edited by Will Bagley. Spokane,
WA: Arthur H. Clark Co. 2004.
Patton, Annaleone D. California Mormons by Sail
and Trail. Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book Co.
1961.
Pratt, Parley P. Autobiography of Parley P. Pratt.
Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book Co. 1980.
Roberts, B.H. History of the Church, ed. History
of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints,
Volumes 6 and 7. Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book Co.
1980.
Ship Brooklyn Association. “Passenger List.” http://shipbrooklyn.com/
(accessed November 30, 2011).
Sherman, William T. “William Tecumseh Sherman and
the Discovery of Gold.” Originally published as Memoirs
of W. T. Sherman, Ch.2. Heritage Preservation League
of Folsom. http://www.folsompreservation.org/William_Tecumseh_Sherman.htm
(accessed December 13, 2011).
Sutter, John A. “The Discovery of Gold in California.”
Hutchings’ California Magazine (November 1857)
http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist2/gold.html (accessed November
30, 2011).
Tiffany, Scott. Forgotten Voyage: The Mormon Sea
Trek that Sparked the Gold Rush. Time Frame Films.
DVD. 2003.
|